Answers What Or Whom In A Sentence – Daniel McLeod is a highly qualified secondary English Language Arts instructor who brings a diverse educational background to his classroom. With degrees in science, English, and literacy, she has worked to create cross-curricular materials to help students bridge learning gaps and focus on effective writing and speaking techniques. Currently serving as a dual credit technical writing instructor in the Center for Career and Technical Education, her curriculum development includes student focus on effective communication for future career choices.
Pronouns are words that take the place of a noun. They stop in place to avoid repeating words and phrases. They are one of the first things English language learners learn to combine, but their common usage can be confusing without practice.
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To keep your sentence structure grammatically correct, use pronouns in their correct form and two of the most confusing pronouns in the English language.
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Pronouns are used to express questions about a subject or group of things. Pronouns are nominative, objective or possessive in their use.
) is rarely a problem, but we include it here so you can see the additional use of possessive pronouns.
A predicate is part of a sentence or clause that contains a verb and tells something about the subject (eg, the dog is an animal. “Animal” is the predicate).
Refers to direct objects of verbs, objects of verbs, and objects of prepositions. They get penal action.
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A preposition is a word or group of words placed before a noun or pronoun to describe time, place, direction, or spatial relationship.
As a pronoun to indicate a subject or object group question. They function as the nominative case (
A verb changes the subject and is used with I, you, he, she, it, we, they and one.
A verb changes the receiving subject and is used with you, me, he, her, it, we, they and one.
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Title: An MIT linguistics student and faculty member chart the emerging use of “of” in English, examining what this new construction tells us about syntax.
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An MIT linguistics student and faculty member chart the emerging use of “in” in English, examining what this new construction tells us about syntax.
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In the spring of 2022, linguistics professor David Pesetsky spoke to a graduating class about relative clauses, which add information to sentences. For example: “The senator we were talking to is a policy expert.” Relative clauses usually contain “who,” “which,” “that,” etc.
Pesetsky, who has taught linguistics at MIT since 1988, had not encountered the word “in” before.
But for Evil, “in it” sounds universal, “our striker, our best player among them, scores a lot of goals.” After class he spoke with Pesetsky. He suggested writing a paper about it for the Eval course, 24.902 (Introduction to Syntax).
“He said, ‘I’ve never heard of that, but it might make interesting stuff,'” Iville says. He began hunting for examples online that evening. Some of the things they eventually found came from social media; Connecticut is an example of a state government document. Among his findings: “Dave, Carter, Stephen, Leroy, Boyd and Tim are special people making special music together.”
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And: “Our 7th man on set is one of the show’s main recurring [sic] characters that we all love to hate.”
Evil, a bioengineering major, wrote the paper and returned to studying cells. But Pesetsky, after questioning colleagues and others, found that “in it” was a largely overlooked phenomenon; In fact no scholar had ever heard of it. He opined that further investigation should be done in this regard. In early 2023, he and Evil set up an independent study project: How does “Who” work?
As Evil and Pesetsky show in a newly published paper, “in that” follows specific rules, whose form contributes to the larger debate about sentence structure. paper,”
“It sounds brand new, and it’s very colloquial, but it’s heavily regulated by law,” says Pesetsky, the Ferrari P. Professor of Modern Languages and Linguistics at MIT. Ward Professor
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When Ewell and Pesetsky analyzed their examples of “which” formally, they found that people used “which” in the same way they used “whom” in terms of its semantics. The expression is not randomly odd.
Wicked and Pesetsky then turned to syntactical matters. As many MIT linguists emphasize, human language is both diverse and homogeneous. Languages look different from each other, but scholars have identified many universal characteristics. These usually include sentence organization, syntax.
Movement, ” the way certain sentences are rearranged. Suppose we say, “Anna bought something.” To turn it into a question
But sometimes many words move to the left, as linguist John Roberts Ross PhD ’67 identified in his MIT thesis and called it “pied piping.” In the question, “What kind of wine did Anna buy?” Besides that
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“There’s always the question, why does pied piping exist?” Pesetsky says. “The left end of the question or the corresponding clause a
This is partly why Pesetsky was keen to investigate the “what” problem: it provides a new polynomial construction to study.
First, Iville and Pesetsky found that they could provide evidence “in this” for a controversial theory about the pied piping phenomenon developed by linguist Seth Cable PhD ’07. What’s annoying about Pied Piping is its randomness.
Dragging other words along with it for no apparent reason. Cable noted that in the Alaskan language Tlingit, questions that sound like they involve pied piping have the particle “sá” after the moved words. In the sentence “Aadu yagu sa yasiten?” – “Whose boat did you see?” — What looks like pied piping is a common rearrangement of “sá” and its dependent words. For linguists, what is happening is not randomness, but the phrase “heading” from the particle.
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Evil and Pesetsky think that “of” functions similarly to “sá” in sentences.
“Our view is that ‘da’ is actually this sa-like element,” says Pesetsky. “‘Da’ is actually the head of a relative clause, the Tlingit “sa” the head of an interrogative phrase.”
Generally, linguists would expect this word to appear to the left of a relative clause as it appears in English phrases. (Tlingit is the opposite.) But in “of” sentences, “of” is not on the left. “Who However, as the paper notes, a similar puzzle occurs in the Mayan language Chol, for which linguist Jessica Coon PhD ’10 provided a solution, that Iville and Pesetsky easily fit into the “into” construction.
But this is not the end of the story. The “in” construction tolerates quite complex instances with “recurring” instances of motion not predicted by Cable and Cone’s propositions. However, here, Eville and Pesetsky find parallels in the way pied piping works in Finnish and tentatively put forward a proposal for all these languages.
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Therefore, “what” evidence underpins or supports pied piping remains somewhat of an open question. And a second, seemingly less technical question persists. As Evil and Pesetsky noted in the paper, “the surprising preference of who does not know.”
“It’s all regulated by law,” says Pesetsky. “You shouldn’t talk like that,” the websites say. It might be a stylistic decision, ‘whatever’ detractors call it words, and if you’re an editor, you might want to red-pencil it for that reason. But it is never loose or illegal. It always is. When you see it, it follows its own rules.
“My first definition, it felt too formal to me,” says Evil. “Also, if I’m trying to explain something slowly, by taking the extra time to use the phrase, it helps people pick it up a little easier. But it’s interesting that we’ve found cases where the opposite is true, where people use it without realizing it.”
Wicked and Pesetsky think the use of “in” may be a generational thing. But this is not a regional phenomenon, as online searches show. “It’s coming automatically
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